In the time between 2000 to 2010, the state of Texas saw a growth of four million people; 90% of them were minorities, with the Latino population rising 38%. Texas received four new seats in Congress, yet the legislature failed to increase the number of minority-dominant congressional districts in response to this influx.
Today, after Texas’ legislature passed new electoral maps designed to give Republicans five more U.S. House seats, history seems to be repeating itself. This change came after weeks of legislative quorum breaks, fierce opposition from Democrats and pressure from President Donald Trump to enforce the change in time for next year’s midterm elections. Reminiscent of discriminatory gerrymandering in 2003 and 2011, we find ourselves in the midst of aggressive gerrymandering once again.
“The increase of gerrymandering had already started before this, and this even more egregiously gerrymandered map results in less competitive and more polarized congressional districts and really (misrepresents) the demographics of Texas,” said Ashley Harris, an attorney for ACLU Texas.
This unconventional redistricting effort occurred in the middle of the decade. Since the census publishes new population data every ten years, the map lacks any new information to support the change. Instead of responding to real population growth, this redistricting effort is a strategic power grab aimed at consolidating partisan control.
The redistricting bill now forces UT students to vote in different, noncompetitive districts, weakening student influence and representation. The new map splinters Travis County, which previously encompassed districts 37 and 35, into congressional districts 21, 17, 10, 37 and 35. Politicians’ attempts to increase their political power will negatively impact constituents, and UT students are no exception.
Historically, Texas has had a redistricted map found in violation of the Voting Rights Act every decade since its enactment in 1965. This trend has continued in recent cases like Petteway v. Galveston (2022), a case brought by Galveston County in response to Texas’ redistricting efforts in 2021, which removed Voting Rights protections for “coalition districts” — areas of predominantly minority groups that vote together to elect representatives. Although the ruling did not outlaw coalition districts, the Department of Justice used the court ruling as a reason to split them.
Since 2022, Petteway v. Galveston’s ruling has been convoluted further and used as evidence for the new congressional map, which splits even more coalition districts and limits the political influence of minority communities across the state.
“The voting power of communities of color all over Texas were diluted for this new map and … it’s going to be a huge blow to minority communities in the next election,” said Anthony Gutierrez, the executive director of Common Cause Texas, a bipartisan organization campaigning to stop Texas’ redistricting efforts.
House Bill 4 dilutes minority and student voting power by splitting coalition districts and merging them with rural, conservative areas. For example, District 11 spans 335 miles across central Texas. Legislators’ responsibility to represent the interests of their constituents becomes nearly impossible, as a single district can now encompass vastly different demographics. This expansion creates a conflict for the representative, who may struggle to advocate for the needs of their district as a whole.
“College campuses in certain areas, like Austin, are being stretched into rural areas to dilute the power of those young people,” said Tori Falcon, senior communications manager at MOVE Texas, a nonprofit that aims to increase voter registration in underrepresented youth communities. “The truth is, we’re the majority: black, brown, young, queer young people (and) working-class Texans.”
Under this new map, white voters comprise 40% of Texas’ population, yet over 73% of the state’s congressional seats. The NAACP, represented by the Lawyers’ Committee for Civil Rights Under Law, recently filed a lawsuit citing racial gerrymandering as the basis of the bill. Jennifer Nwachukwu, senior counsel in the Voting Rights Project at the Lawyers’ Committee, contends the bill hides racial motives for redistricting under the guise of partisanship.
“This case really is about what happens when you move black and brown communities in order to change the makeup of Congress’ and Texas’s delegation of congressional representatives,” Nwachukwu said.
The recent gerrymandering laws in Texas have far-reaching consequences for countless communities. When political power is concentrated in certain districts, lawmakers are less likely to be held accountable for the needs of all of their constituents, leading to the prioritization of political ambition over public interest. This lack of accountability makes it increasingly difficult for legislation on issues affecting disenfranchised groups to pass, restricting affordable housing and healthcare, education reform, reproductive rights, voting rights and more.
Addressing these challenges requires focused civic engagement and education. Students and UT community members must stay informed about local elections, petition their representatives and routinely participate in elections to hold legislators accountable and build momentum for reform.
“One really valuable part of being a student at UT is proximity to the Capitol,” said Harris. “These hearings, on these maps as well as on many other issues that are eroding rights … are happening just down the street from UT, and anyone is welcome to come testify before legislators when they support or oppose a bill. (Showing up) gives students the opportunity to speak directly to legislators about what issues are important to them and what they think legislators should be doing to improve Texas.”
By educating affected communities and encouraging consistent participation, Texans can counteract some of the harms of gerrymandering, protecting vulnerable voices by pushing for action that reflects the needs of all citizens rather than the political dominance of a few.
“No rigged map, sham political process, or corrupt elected official can define our political power,” Falcon said. “For all the districts they twisted and every door they closed, we’re still turning out thousands of voters and sending in hundreds of volunteer deputy voter registrars to re-register people. As much as they can redraw lines, we can reshape the electorate. We are real people, not fake shapes on a map, and we pick our leaders.”
Despite repeated attempts to strip Texans of their political voices, we are not powerless. When the government takes away voters’ political power, students must reclaim it themselves. Increasing civic engagement can help us push back against maps designed to silence us and demand fairer representation.
The Editorial Board is composed of associate editors Tenley Jackson, Tiffany Lam, Tanya Narwecker, Belle Xu and editor-in-chief Ava Saunders.
